Course Description

The conventional story on war- and peacemaking almost always speaks of great deeds by Great Men. It tells how genius generals win wars and how skillful diplomats strike peace deals; how heroic soldiers fight and how selfless peacemakers unite; and, crucially, how wars end where peace begins and vice versa. Inspired by Tolstoy’s narrative of war as an assemblage of serendipity and chance, this course will look at war/peace beyond the lens of rationality and of strategic interests. Following Latour’s reading of Tolstoy, it will introduce a less anthropocentric and – hopefully - more pluralistic perspective by allowing other actors to make peace/war, such as UN reports and US drones, reconciliation workshops and surveillance techniques, etc. Building on Foucault’s inversion of Clausewitz, it will explore war as a general grid through which modern society can be analyzed even – and especially - during so-called peacetime.

Tuesday, February 4, 2014

Sara Gormley - Entry no. 2 (Foucault)



Foucault begins his chapter by clearly outlining his intentions, which is to investigate if war can provide a credible analysis of relations of power. The reading introduces a focus on right, truth, and power and how they relate to each other as well as truthful discourse establishing limits of power. These are multiple levels to the relation of power, where power cannot exist without a level of truthful discourse. Foucault sets out to determine the relationship of power, right, and truth in our society and toward the end of our reading, Foucault reveals the existence of a “partisan discourse” as historical narratives are only as true as the author believes it to be. Though it may be a discourse of right, it will be “his” right given from a certain perspective. We have been basing judgements on the imperfections of human bias. 

Foucault intends to interpret political power in terms of war, struggle, and confrontation. It must be stated, however, that it is more specific than that. Foucault stresses the importance of analyzing power at the basic root level of intentions, and where Hobbes saw sovereignty as the “soul,” Foucault believes it is necessary to study multiperipheral bodies rather than simply one main idea. One question Foucault asks is how does this multiplicity support itself? Through interactions, how do different forms of domination relate to each other, in turn reinforcing or negate the other? According to Foucault, much of the discourse leading up to the sixteenth century was all discourse of power. It centered around a king, and the discourse was only to justify the royal power. Machiavelli focused on narratives concerning the state and Hobbes served the purpose of legitimizing peace, law, and sovereignty. 

Hobbes’s notion of philosophical-juidical discourse and a pacified university is in question when Foucault raises the idea that was is constant and ongoing according to the emergence of a new discourse in the 17th century. Hobbes attempted to legitimize peace, but could peace just be a façade for a constant and underlying struggle for power. Political power does not begin where war ends, as political action has still been taken while war was being waged. Essentially Foucault believes that peace is waging a secret war by bringing society to one side or another. Choosing one side of an issue inherently brings adversaries of those on the other side. Hobbes believed that if there was a clash, it would be substantial and definitive where the strong overtake the weak, as sovereignty is established by conquest. This goes against Foucault’s description here of an ongoing war even underneath times of peace. Truth can be used as a weapon of war, utilized for revenge of a final and definitive battle.

By inverting the dictum of Clausewitz, “politics is war by any other means” to “war is politics by any other means,” war can be a powerful tool with which to analyze power. Though it may be decentered, it will go further and deeper than philosophico-juridical discourses.

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