Course Description

The conventional story on war- and peacemaking almost always speaks of great deeds by Great Men. It tells how genius generals win wars and how skillful diplomats strike peace deals; how heroic soldiers fight and how selfless peacemakers unite; and, crucially, how wars end where peace begins and vice versa. Inspired by Tolstoy’s narrative of war as an assemblage of serendipity and chance, this course will look at war/peace beyond the lens of rationality and of strategic interests. Following Latour’s reading of Tolstoy, it will introduce a less anthropocentric and – hopefully - more pluralistic perspective by allowing other actors to make peace/war, such as UN reports and US drones, reconciliation workshops and surveillance techniques, etc. Building on Foucault’s inversion of Clausewitz, it will explore war as a general grid through which modern society can be analyzed even – and especially - during so-called peacetime.

Tuesday, February 4, 2014

Hannah Berwian: Entry no. 2 ( Foucault)

In the two lecture of  "Society must be defended" held at the Collége de France in 1974 Michel Foucault outlines his concepts of genealogy and disciplinary power, there by offering an alternative understanding of war and advocating a decentralized view of power. His genealogy consists in the coupling of two contrasting forms of subjugated knowledge, the scholarly legitimated but neglected or forgotten historical content and the disqualified, local knowledge, that did not adhere to scientific standards of validity. For Foucault, it is essential not to introduce this unearthed knowledge into the prevailing discourse by claiming its scientific validity but, instead to aim to deconstruct the very discourse that determines what is to be considered as a valid form of knowledge and the implicated power effects, that is the scientific discourse. In this respect, Foucault takes Marx a step further and reveals how Marx himself was caught in the ideological structure by trying to make his argument conform to the prevailing discourse of valid knowledge in his aspiration to establish “the science of history”. Like Tolstoy, Foucault tackle the inevitable question: “What is power?”. Aiming for a “non-economic” analysis of power he assumes analysis power as a relationship of force and repression as its mechanism. Inverting Clausewitz, political power is the continuation of war by political means. This alternative conception of war goes against the conventional definiton of war as armed conflict between certain groups. In Foucault’s definition physical violence is not the essential characteristic of war and, what is more, the absence of physical violence does not imply the state of peace. This notion goes hand in hand with Galtung’s conception of violence, who goes beyond its visible, direct and physical manifestation to include structural and symbolic forms of violence. As Foucault claims, the means of this war is violence inherent in social institutions, systems, culture and symbols. In turn, Galtung suggests a positive understanding of peace as absence of all forms of violence in achieving social equality. Yet, he conceives of peace as a process instead of an achievable end state while according to Foucault’s conception of war peace appears to be an unachievable utopia.
In the second lecture, Foucault focuses on the “how of power”, in other words, he tries to understand power from within society, from how it operates rather than who operates it. Power is inextricably tied to truth and right. While producing itself discourses of truth the discourse of right, historically related to legitimate authority and sovereignty, today functions to conceal underlying forms of domination. Hence, similar to Tolstoy Foucault suggest a less centralized approach to power that becomes apparent in his methodological precautions.
Instead of focusing on who has the power in a juridical form he looks at the institutions and mechanisms, how power is manifest in relationships and networks constituting individuals. It is by investigating the effects of power in the periphery, in the margins and extremeties where the excavated knowledge becomes useful. Hence he advances a bottom-up approach to power. For example he argues that a top-down explanation from bourgeois interest could explain the exclusion as well as the promotion of madness and has hence no explanatory value at all. Taking an ascending approach would reveal that merely the mechanisms of exclusion, control and surveillance proved to be very efficient and useful to bourgeois interest who then appropriated the disciplinary power as the main tool of industrial capitalism.
To conceal these mechanisms of power the public discourse of right and democracy ensures the social cohesion of the people. The scientific discourse emerges where discourse of right and disciplinary mechanisms meet: it constructs what is considered to be “normal” in society imposing further cohesion under the disguise of neutrality.
Foucault’s critique of scientific discourse is reflected in the tendency of social sciences to adapt methodology and epistemology of the natural sciences, assuming neutrality, objectivity with the aim of establishing law-like statement concerning human interaction and top-down explanations. Foucault, however advocates and employs a bottom-up, interpretive approach aiming at understanding rather than explaining.
His concept of normalization is very present in the contemporary society in social norms and pressure to conform as in wearing certain kinds of clothes and brands, listening to certain types of music always undergird by the imperative to consume. Social media have in this respect taken up a prominent role in spreading and constructing these norms. Indeed, in a way they render Foucault’s surveillance mechanisms largely obsolete by encouraging the public promotion, optimization and finally, commodification of the individual via facebook, twitter and co. In other words, the social body has come to discipline itself by forcing everyone who wants to take part in social life to make the private sphere public. The ubiquitous willingness to reveal intimate details of private life has rendered the Orwell's coercive surveillance state obsolete.

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