In the context of the ‘war on terror’, an era where the
state’s primary focus is the implementation of effective security measures and
counterterrorism initiatives, Gregory’s, From
a View to Kill: Drones and Late Modern War questions the virtues of drones
deployed as instruments in this ‘virtual’ war. At issue in the drone debate, is
not the matter of remoteness but the feeling of proximity achieved through new
ways of ‘seeing’. As such, transparency is another conceptual issue traversing
Gregory’s work, as well as a significant concern raised in public debate.
The time-space compression of video feeds from UAVs creates
a dangerous sense of intimacy which risks converting “civilians into
combatants”, warns Gregory. Gregory suggests that new visibilities in the form
of reconnaissance, surveillance and intelligence are restrictive. He asserts
that such “constructed visibility” achieves a unique closeness whose
repercussions are more lethal than those of distance. Such proximity, he claims, “consistently
privileges the view of the hunter-killer”. ‘Seeing’ through high-resolution
imagery is not exclusively technical in nature, but also has its place in a
“techno-cultural” system. While the distinction between ‘our’ space and that of
the ‘other’ continues to be reinforced, our increasing proximity to their space
creates a dangerous sense of familiarity.
Thus, rather than detachment, Gregory point to visibility and proximity
as the main point of departure in analysing the implications of drone
technology.
So, in this techno-cultural arena, where seeing is inclined
to become believing, transparency, or rather the lack of, becomes a pertinent
issue. Transparency is at issue in the unclear legal delineation of the ‘global’ airspace in which drones are being
deployed. This lack of clarity in the global battle space resembles what
Agamben terms the ‘state of exception’; where the law is suspended in order to
protect itself, by creating a zone of exclusion. The lines of war continue to
be elastersized and this zone of exemption thus permits unaccountability for
civilian casualties incurred in UAV warfare.
Accordingly, the visibility within the ‘battlespace’ remains
unclear despite advancements in technology, rendering distinctions between
combatants and civilians problematic. Further, the American Air Force deploys
this absence of transparency to their advantage. Collateral damage remains
covert by identifying a ‘grey zone’- an area lacking in clarity between
innocent and non-innocent civilians and thereby rendering this inaccuracy of
extra-judicial killing, justifiable. The issue of ‘just war’ is here raised. No
more is there a presumption of innocence but rather preventative killing takes
its place. This draws parallels to Foucault’s construction of ‘biopower’, which
functions by distinguishing those who must live from those who must die (Mbembe
2003).
Transparency is also at issue in what is exposed by the
media. What is revealed has been carefully selected and is limited in the sense
that the narrative of the target is always underexposed. The public is faced
only with the dominant narrative in which clean and ‘surgically precise’ UAVs
deliver effective counterterrorism results. Nothing is heard of the counter
narrative; that of civilian’s experiences in which drones, instruments of
surveillance, constitute a form of terror. Within the space of the target,
those who live beneath the fear inducing instruments, terror is bread and fear
engrained. Thus, forms of surveillance and security can function to promote
anxiety.
However, this dilemma of transparency is not unique to the
covert drone program. The intelligence gathering and surveillance measures of
the NSA, when exposed by whistle-blower Edward Snowden created a hostile
rapport between the state and the civilian. If law is an instrument aiding state crime, what may be the role
of law in redressing state crime?
Currently, these legal and bureaucratic oversights in the form of drone
surveillance risk a new manifestation of terror, a perpetuation of the cycle of
violence.
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