Among the greatest
legacies we inherited from the post-enlightenment thought is its debate around
the philosophy of history. Social Science’s century long debate in the 20th
century around agency and structure is indebted to a debate in the previous
century. Then, the dualism was expressed as freewill versus determinism and the
very existence of ultimate causes was subject of debate. Tolstoy’s passages in
War and Peace argue against several types of historians, that is, those “specialists”
who favored a national or personal account of causality for events, focused on
the deeds of the individual leaders of powerful nations, those described as
universal historians for their acknowledging of a multitude of connected people
more or less involved in issues of power, and a third type, of historians of
culture, who give historical importance to people not directly implicated in
such issues, such as writers or women.
All of these
approaches are limited, and Tolstoy advocates a total vision of history where
no causality may be attributed to singular forces, only to a general sum of the
forces of all individuals. Teleological attempts to find a destination for
human progress are vain, and Tolstoy’s rationalism seems to me analogous to an
agnostic cosmological view, according to which, the immense dimension of
phenomena such as the creation of the world makes it impossible for humans to
grasp them.
The terms of that
debate seem actual even today, as seen in the article “Tolstoy and Tahrir”,
where a Literature student proposes to read the political turmoil in Egypt in
the light of Tolstoy’s telescopically novelistic narrative. At times endorsing
critics who have disclaimed Tolstoy’s essayistic writings, but sometimes trying
to see these as part of a complex system of dualisms and paradoxes that
constitute not only Tolstoy’s novel, but of the novel as a general literary
form, drawing on Bakhtin’s concept of poliphony and Lukacs’s depiction of the
novel as an arena between form and content.
Greer’s attempt, in
the end of his article, to perform a Tolstoyan fictitious reading of Tahrir
through individual character’s trajectories is fruitful, and indicates that the
importance given today to individualist, perspectivist accounts of historical
events are not at all post-modern, but, as it has been states, are firmly
rooted in the modern tradition since the 19th century. It is then
very clear why Tolstoy may be the foundational text to a course that aims
towards a decentralized analysis of military warfare and peacemaking.
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